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Date: 2018-02-18 14:38

That Parthian played the part of such an intermediary must be assumed also in other instances. Most obvious is the case of Indian or Aramaic/Syriac words. Of Indian provenance are . Arm. kapik &ldquo ape&rdquo (as Zor. Mid. Pers. kabīg , NPers. kabī from OInd. kapi -, &scaron akʿar &ldquo sugar&rdquo (as Mid. Pers., NPers. &scaron akar ) from Niya Prakrit śakara , or vagr &ldquo tiger&rdquo from Niya Prakrit vyagra. On the other hand the plant name bowcin &ldquo verbascum,&rdquo which corresponds to Syr. būṣīnā from Mid. Pers. būčīnā , appears to be an indirect Ir. borrowing in Armenian by way of Syriac (see Hü bschmann, 6897, p. 856) because of its - c - (suitable to Syr. ṣ ) instead of - č - (corresponding to Ir. č ). But matters are clearest in the case of some borrowings from Greek, in particular with the older ones, which were taken over in the period before the complete Christianization of Armenia. Even the general historical situation would lead us to expect that Greek words would have come to Armenia through the Parthian empire since Greek was the cultural language of the Parthians, who were Hellenized to some extent at least in their upper classes. Such indirect borrowing of Greek words via Parthian often can not be established unambiguously (as . also in the case of Hrōm / Hrōvm , the name of Rome and Byzantium), but occasionally such an intermediate stage is revealed by phonological criteria, as when Greek &rsquo , . [d] becomes Parth. &rsquo , . [ &rsquo ] in intervocalic position and is replaced by Arm. r : Arm. lampar (with variants lambar and łampar / łambar ) &ldquo torch&rdquo from Gk. lampá s , stem lampá d - (in contrast to the hapax legomenon Arm. lambat - kʿ (plur.), which was later borrowed directly from Gk. lampá des ), or Arm. kałapar &ldquo model, form, pattern&rdquo from Gk. kalopó dion &ldquo (shoe) last, model.&rdquo Certainty can be obtained also where one and the same word was borrowed twice once directly from Greek in a form corresponding to the Greek original, and a second time indirectly, after passing through Parthian and attested in another form similar to that known in Iranian. Thus, we find side by side the learned &ldquo book word&rdquo drakʿmê &ldquo drachm&rdquo borrowed directly from Gk. drachmḗ and the more commonly used dram (attested already in the Bible translation) from Man. Mid. Pers. drahm , NPers. deram (with the Ir. change of xm to hm and m ), or yakinṭʿ &ldquo jacinth (stone)&rdquo from Gk. hyá kinthos , and yakownṭʿ , which is closer to Parth. yākund.

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But the study of the Armenian loans from Iranian is of vital importance for solving problems of Old, Middle, and New Iranian linguistics, as well. 6. They help determine the exact phonetic shape of the (Middle) Iranian words, which in the Iranian texts is often obscured by the consonantal writing systems. The Arm. alphabet, however, is fully vocalized, though it does not show the original vowel quantity. 7. They enable us to establish the exact meaning of the Ir. words. 8. They shed light on the phonetic developments that took place in the Ir. languages and thus aid in reconstructing linguistic stages not known or not sufficiently known from the Ir. evidence itself. 9. They provide evidence relating to Ir., and especially Mid. Ir. dialectological problems. Finally, the Arm. language is also an important source for Ir. lexicology and lexicography as it contains many words, some of which survive right down to the present day, not attested in the Ir. languages themselves, .: era&scaron x &ldquo guarantee, security&rdquo from Proto-Ir. * rax&scaron i - (cognate with OInd. rakṣ &ldquo to protect &rdquo see Benveniste, 6995, p. 76 ), hraparak &ldquo place&rdquo from Proto-Ir. * frapādaka - (compare the Syr. loanword hrpdq see Benveniste, 6957/58, pp. 67f.), nirh &ldquo sleepiness&rdquo from Proto -Ir. * nidrā - (corresponding to Vedic nidrāˊ - see Benveniste, 6969, p. 7), and parawand &ldquo fetter&rdquo from Proto-Ir. * pādabanda - (corresponding to OInd. pādabandha - see Benveniste, 6957/58, pp. 68f.). In every investigation of these questions one must bear in mind, however, that individual cases either may not be so clearcut on the Iranian side because the Ir. transmission is in parts very fragmentary, or on the whole be more complicated because of borrowings between different Iranian dialects. As is well known, there are in the basically Southwest-Ir. Persian language numerous Northwest-Ir. elements, incorporated mainly in Arsacid times, and on the other hand also a certain number of Southwest-Ir. (Persian) influences on the Northwest-Ir. dialects from Sasanian times, as in the case of Man. Parth. dast &ldquo hand&rdquo with SW (and common Middle and modern Iranian dast , etc.) d instead of NW z. This complication of the Iranian situation calls for a more comprehensive view in order to assess the Armenian borrowings, which means that one must take into account all available data rather than discuss specific criteria in isolation. In this respect the book by Bolognesi, 6965, where all the most important dialectological features reflected in Armenian are discussed in great detail, is in every way a model.

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Among the many questions that have not yet received an answer are the following: 6. In addition to the adjective seaw , &ldquo black,&rdquo which is in accordance with Man. Parth. syāw , Av. siiāuua - and therefore is a Northwest-Ir. borrowing, Armenian has forms showing a change of * sḭ to &scaron , namely &scaron aw - in the proper names &Scaron aw - asp and &Scaron aw-ar&scaron comparable to Av. Siiāuuāspi - (patronymic to * Siiāuuāspa -) and Siiāuuar&scaron an -. However, we do not know to which Iranian dialect that change of * sḭ to &scaron is due. Thus, whereas Bolognesi, 6965, p. 79 established a connection of this phenomenon with the Iranian southwest, Benveniste, 6969, p. 8 objected strongly to that view and instead regarded these names as belonging to a particular epic tradition, which he considered to be Northeast-Ir. because of BSogd. &scaron āw and especially Chor. &scaron āu&scaron (from Proto-Ir. * Syāvar&scaron ā ), etc. A third position was adopted by Pé rikhanian, 6968, pp. 79f., who, arguing from analogous cases, thought of traditional Median names taken over by the Armenians from the &ldquo Middle Median&rdquo language of Northwest Iran, which, however, is not attested in an authentic source. 7. As the regular continuants of Proto-Ir. * d in originally intervocalic position (old Pers. d , old Av. d ) we find Northwest-Ir. (Parth.) &lsquo (Arm. r see above), but Southwest-Ir. (Mid. Pers.) y. Apart from these regular developments, both these Ir. dialects also show forms with h from Proto-Ir. * d , which are to be attributed to a third dialect said to have been spoken in an area between the other two. However, the postulated intermediate dialect remains a rather vague entity. Such forms with h from Proto-Ir. * d are attested also in Armenian: . zrah-kʿ (plur.) &ldquo cuirass&rdquo (with various derivatives) belonging to the likewise borrowed Aram. zardā (written zrdʾ ), the *censored* Arm. form zreh , and Zor. Mid. Pers. zrēh , NPers. zereh (compare Young Av. zrā&delta a -) and srah &ldquo hall, (court)yard,&rdquo which is connected with JPers. srāh &ldquo outer court,&rdquo the Mandaic loanword srʾdq , and Zoroastrian Mid. Pers. srād or srāy , all deriving from Proto-Ir. * srāda -. In the case of such Armenian borrowings the immediate Ir. source dialect can not usually be determined since Parthian or Middle Persian with their (borrowed?) h - forms are potential candidates just as well as the postulated h - dialect itself. A particularly odd situation is to be observed in the case of the Armenian reflexes of Proto-Ir. * spāda - &ldquo army&rdquo Old Pers., Old Av. spāda -, Young Av. spā&delta a -), where we find side by side Arm. spah (as in Zor. Mid. Pers. spāh , NPers. sepāh ), spay (with the genuine Mid. Pers. development), and * spar (from Parth. * spā&delta , Man. Parth. ispā&delta written ʿspʾd ) implied by the compound spa*censored*t &ldquo commander-in-chief,&rdquo a title which is to be compared with Inscr. Parth. (a)spā&delta pat , Mid. Pers. spāhpat , NPers. sepahbad , and the borrowed proper name Arm. Aspahapet (all from Proto-Ir. * spāda-pati -).

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